Overviews of Several Books on Indentured Servants
BONDED PASSENGERS TO
AMERICA
1663 - 1775,
OXFORD
CIRCUIT, Vol VI
[My initial review of this book shows the same Phelps information as above, but
grouped by the circuit]
This volume lists
the names of those recorded in official documents as having been sentenced or
reprieved for transportation to the
Americas
between 1663 and 1775 by the Assize Courts for the counties of
Berkshire,
Gloucestershire, Herefordshire, Monmouthshire, Oxfordshire,
Shropshire,
Staffordshire and Worcestershire, which together made up the Oxford Circuit.
Some few of the earliest settlers in
Virginia
have also been included where their names appear in Privy Council Registers of
the time of James I.
Those sentenced to
transportation by the Courts of Quarter Sessions of the Peace will not be found
in this volume save where their names have found their way into State Papers or
County
Gaolers'
lists. Quarter Sessions records are to be found not in
London
but in County Record Offices.
The documents of the
Oxford Circuit, though much ravaged by neglect and decay, are nevertheless
remarkably extensive and comprehensive so that it has proved possible for almost
the entire period covered to secure from one category of papers the data which
has not survived in another. As with previous volumes in this series,
the information printed in the following pages is designed as a means of access
to fuller trial records and, with a little more effort, to associated documents
related to each individual. Some abbreviated examples are given below.
Thomas Ashby (p.1)
petitioned is 1743 (SP 36/60/190-191) that the Captain of the transport ship
Samuel on which he was embarked for the colonies in 1741 purchased him for his
own service. On a subsequent voyage the petitioner was captured by a Spanish
privateer from which he was later exchanged
with a Spanish
prisoner and unavoidably brought back to
England
before the term of his transportation order had expired."He now lived in fear of
discovery.';
Elizabsth Crosbv
(p.3.) was the subject of an appeal from Joseph Acres, rector of Newbury, and
Joseph Standen, vicar of Speen, in March 173436131 /68).
They say she was condemned for taking away goods of no great value from the shop
of Elizabeth Paradise but that she had previously "behaved herself in so honest
and obliging a way to her neighbours and acquaintances as to excite for her and
her husband, now almost overcome with grief, a compassionate importunity." A
petition which had been made Out on her behalf and signed by many of her friends
had, by an unfortunate accident, not been delivered to the Judge at her trial.
This appeal fell on deaf ears.
William Orowood
(p.8), a bargeman, arranged for appeals to 17e lodged by many residents of
Reading
and by the bargemaster of Abingdon after he had k been c0nvicted on the evidence
of John Vickers of receiving stolen goods. The latter had since made a voluntary
confession of his own guilt and had then "absented himself, being suspected of
other crimes." The petitioners declared that Orpwood had always supported
himself by honest industry and had a wife and five small children dependent upon
him. The Circuit Judge, to whom the appeal was referred, submitted a full
account of the trial and conceded that witnesses on Orpwood's behalf had given
him a good character, though one had sworn that he wanted to arrest Orpwood for
debt but had been unable to apprehend him. The Judge concluded that Orpwood was
not worthy of mercy.
Notes scattered
throughout the Assize records indicate the importance attached to the efficient
conduct of the business of transportation as a i`maj°r executive arm of justice.
At each session the Court appointed a committee of worthies to superintend the
business and to contract with a shipping agent: for the Oxford Circuit those
appointed usually included senior ecclesiatics and University dons. Only the
rather remote
county
of
Monouth
reported any problem, and a note from there recorded in the minutes
further pages not copied]
Also see:
Convict Servants in the
American Colonies
http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=3614090&place=home03
All
Things Considered, July 24, 2004 · The
William Brown House, an elegant Georgian brick building built in the 1760s, sits
on the banks of the South River in Anne Arundel County, Maryland. Now a museum,
the house is the last visible structure of
London
Town, an 18th century tobacco port
and one of the Atlantic trading sites where thousands of convicts from
England entered the colonies to
begin their indentured servitude.
In 1718, the British Parliament passed the Transportation Act, under which
England began sending its imprisoned
convicts to be sold as indentured servants in the American colonies. While the
law provoked outrage among many colonists -- Benjamin Franklin equated it to
packing up North American rattlesnakes and sending them all to
England -- the influx of ex-convicts
provided cheap and immediate labor for many planters and merchants. After 1718,
approximately 60,000 convicts, dubbed "the King's passengers," were sent from
England to
America. Ninety percent of them
stayed in
Maryland and
Virginia. Although some returned to
England once their servitude was
over, many remained and began their new lives in the colonies.
Amateur genealogist Carol Carman is a descendant of one convict servant who
worked in
Annapolis and stayed in
Maryland. Arrested in
London,
England, for stealing a
silk handkerchief worth two shillings, Carman's ancestor was transported to the
colonies and sentenced to servitude.
NPR's Brian Naylor spoke with Carman and Dr. Gregory Stiverson, President of
the Historic Annapolis Foundation, about
London
Town and the indentured labor of the
American colonies.
Colonial
America:
Land of
Opportunity for
white bonded labor?
http://cip.cornell.edu/DPubS/Repository/1.0/Disseminate/psu.ph/1129772149/body/pdf
Bound for
America: The
Transportation of British Convicts to the Colonies, 1718-1775 (Clarendon
Paperbacks) (Paperback)
by
A. Roger Ekirch From 1718 to 1775, British courts
banished 50,000 convicts to America--the largest body of immigrants, aside from
African slaves, ever sent across the Atlantic--in hopes of restoring social
peace at home without posing the threat to traditional freedoms raised by the
death penalty or a harsh corrective system. Drawing upon archives in
Britain and the
United States, Bound for
America examines the critical role
this punishment played in
Britain's criminal justice system.
It also assesses the nature of the convict trade, the social origins of the
transported felons, and the impact such a large criminal influx had on colonial
society.
REVIEW ESSAY
William Pencak, Penn UNIVERSITY-OGONTZ
COLONIAL
AMERICA:
LAND
OF
OPPORTUNITY
FOR WHITE BONDED LABOR?
BOUND FOR
AMERICA:
THE TRANSPORTATION OF BRITISH CONVICTS TO THE COLONIES, 1718-1775. By A. Roger
Ekirch. (New
York:
Oxford
University
Press, 1987. Pp. 277. $45.00.)
"TO SERVE WELL AND FAITHFULLY": LABOR AND INDENTURED SERVANTS IN
PENNSYLVANIA,
iG82. 1800. By Sharon V. Salinger. (New Rochelle, New York:
Cambridge University Press, 1987, Pp. xiii, 192. $29.95.)
As
Edmund S. Morgan noted in American Slavery, American Freedom (New York: Norton,
1975), economic and political opportunity for white Americans developed along
with and in consequence of new and harsher farms of bondage for blacks. These
two largely quantitative studies demonstrate that Morgan's thesis can be
modified and extended: freedom for some whites (upper- and middle-class)
depended, upon harsher farms of bondage far the majority of eighteenth century
white immigrants to
British North America,
if the experiences of
Maryland,
Virginia,
and
Pennsylvania
are typical in this respect. A. Roger Ekirch details how
Britain
only institutionalized penal transportation in 1718 and sent some 50,000
convicts--80 percent to
Maryland
and
Virginia-by
the Revolution.
Sharon V. Salinger demonstrates the changing nature of indentured servitude.
In late seventeenth century Pennsylvania, predominantly English
servants worked about four years for masters in a paternalistic setting and had
a goad chance to obtain at least a moderate freehold. By the mid-eighteenth
century German and
Scotch-Irish servants worked for four to seven years for English
masters and once freed frequently became "objects of charity" or were forced to
reindenture themselves.
Servitude shifted from a mostly rural to an urban institution as
Philadelphia
merchants and artisans increased their wealth using bound labor and as the gap
between the classes widened. Ekirch and Salinger thus criticize the notion of
provincial
America
as a land of opportunity, a land-rich, labor-poor society where servants
commanded premium wages and, after their initial bondage, could join society as
equals. Instead, they confirm the image stressed in recent work by James
Henretta and Gary Nash of a land of increasing inequality as the Revolution
approached.
Both
Ekirch and Salinger have undertaken prodigious research. If Ekirch has ranged
wider-in British as well as
Maryland
and
Virginia
sources-Salinger has probed deeper-into the tax, poor relief, and other records
of
Pennsylvania.
Both have combed newspapers for descriptions of runaways and quantified wherever
possible. Ekirch's book is somewhat better written: there are fewer lengthy
footnotes and several personal vignettes of convicts which grace his text, But
both authors do all that could be reasonably expected with the data, given the
obvious limitations of human energy.
Ekirch uses both his own research and the superb recent and voluminous
literature on crime and society in eighteenth century
England
to demolish some long-held stereotypes about convict
transports. They were not petty thieves but serious larcenists, for the most
part. British justice in fact functioned fairly reasonably, notwithstanding the
barbaric statutes, to make the punishment fit the crime. Persons sentenced to
transportation rather than death tended to be non-violent, non-repeat offenders.
Judges took into account community opinion and the likelihood someone would
continue to be a nuisance. Ekirch also nicely shows the ideology behind
transportation: Englishmen institutionalized convict servitude abroad because
they did not wish to experience visible signs of servitude such as prisons and
convict labor at home.
Once
the prisoners were out of
England,
however, concern with justice vanished. The crown contracted with merchants to
transport them overseas for a price: some ten percent died on the voyage in the
early eighteenth century, in addition to those who perished awaiting shipment.
By the 1770s, however, colonial laws against landing diseased convicts and some
tolerably humane contractors reduced this rate to two percent. (In the weakest
section of her book, Salinger relies on outdated sources and exceptional
instances of mortality to argue that about a
quarter of indentured
servants, who were generally treated better than convicts, died en route to
Pennsylvania.)
Even
with large numbers of slaves in the tobacco colonies,
Maryland
and
Virginia
proved the best markets for the convicts. They worked as both artisans
and field hands. Despite frequent complaints that they were disorderly and
rebellious-as were the predominantly young, male servants during the seventeenth
century-Ekirch finds little evidence of crime among them. This was neither
because work was easy nor because opportunity to rise after servitude was good.
Ekirch speculates that small, well-controlled rural communities, absence of
tangible goals to steal, and lack of cities to escape to and fence goods
accounted for the low crime rate. Convicts did run away in large numbers: many
returned to
England,
where chances of being rediscovered were slim.
Salinger develops a three-stage model to explain the history of indentured
servitude in
Pennsylvania.
The paternal, familial indenture closely linked with apprenticeship developed
into a more impersonal, lengthier, cash-for-labor connection over the first
century of
Pennsylvania's
history. Salinger's model of the first two stages is interesting yet not
thoroughly convincing. She only has a small group of 196 servants for 1681-1687
to serve as a data base for her first stage. Further, an astonishing number of
this group died young-over sixty percent before age forty. Does this statistic
argue for paternalism or perhaps an unstructured system given the colony's
infancy?
'
Salinger's description of the decline of indentured servitude is the most
interesting and provocative part of her book, which could (and should) be
expanded into an account of labor unrest in early national
Philadelphia.
Indentured servitude decreased because it became more profitable to hire workers
temporarily at low wages instead of indenturing them for long periods. In
consequence, autonomous protests by journeymen and laborers occurred with
increasing frequency after the Revolution. Salinger is alert to the irony: the
freeing of labor left it free to be exploited. She points out another irony: the
anti-slavery movement in
Pennsylvania
led to a temporary increase in the number of indentures-freedom for blacks
could mean servitude for whites.
Given
the limitations of their data, however, I am basically persuaded by Ekirch's and
Salinger's argument. But to make a totally convincing case that
America
was not a land of opportunity for indentured whites someone, sometime, is going
to have to discuss the frontier. Ekirch
alludes briefly to hordes of former servants migrating to the backcountry and
Carolinas;
Salinger does not discuss migration out of
Pennsylvania
or utilize western
Pennsylvania
sources. In short, they have shown therewas limited opportunity for former
servants in the areas in which they were indentured.
It would be unreasonable to ask them to perform for North or South Carolina
frontier counties the feats of name-tracing and wealth analysis they have done
for the seaboard-assuming the data exist. Nevertheless, until the presence or
absence of these people in the west is confirmed, historians will continue to
debate the problem of economic mobility in early
America.